There is a way to break the political deadlock
Whilst Turkey is being dragged into a multidimensional economic and social crisis, a parallel political impasse is unfolding. The repressive nature of the regime, which derives its power from lawlessness, is doing everything in its power to eliminate any ground on which the people’s demand for change might take shape through the normal workings of politics.
The boundaries of this extraordinary political order do not accommodate parties or actors that act with the aim of establishing a government and show signs of achieving this goal. The most clear-cut indication of this was the ‘absolute nullity’ ruling that blocked the path of the CHP, the leading party in the last election. Unable to cope with the revitalised CHP in democratic competition, the regime found a solution in handing the party’s reins back to the old leadership. The YENİ Party, led by
Özgür Özel, was finally established yesterday with the participation of 91 MPs. Following the establishment’s decision to entrust the CHP to a micro-structure within the party to ensure a controlled opposition line, the Yeni Party had become a necessity in terms of genuine institutional opposition. The Yeni Party has become the first party since the transition to a multi-party political system in 1946 to be designated the “main opposition party” immediately upon its formation. Kılıçdaroğlu’s CHP, now with just 44 MPs, has slipped to fifth place in Parliament, behind the MHP. Kılıçdaroğlu has added yet another unique ‘achievement’ to his otherwise illustrious political career: ‘losing MPs without even standing for election’!
The Yeni Party looks set to generate a huge wave of excitement. At least, that was the picture on the first few days. The key question now is whether this party, whose name derives from an adjective, can truly live up to its claim… If the ‘Yeni Party’s’ ‘newness’ remains merely a name and fails to bring about a qualitative transformation in politics, it will fall short of its own potential. The CHP, as the ‘founding party’, carried within it numerous advantages and disadvantages. Although the context is different, a similar situation applies to the Yeni Party. A fresh start means a clean slate, an effective shield against historical smear campaigns, and strong manoeuvrability; it means new words, new perceptions and new hopes. However, it also carries the risk of perpetuating past habits, remaining stuck in the past and living in a state of nostalgia.
The old, well-worn formulas must now be left behind. Although the Yeni Party was founded out of necessity, the realities of the day demand a fundamental paradigm shift—both in terms of how politics is practised and understood, and in terms of its ideological framework and trajectory. This is a highly comprehensive debate, but for now, let us simply note that the left-wing approach resonates more strongly with broad sections of the public than it did in the past. On the other hand, internal party bureaucracy, organisational functioning, organisational culture, the calibre of the cadre, institutional representation and all other essential elements for a political party must not present the Yeni Party as a ‘continuation of the CHP’. Such a mistake would undoubtedly wipe out all its advantages in an instant. Whilst the Yeni Party must attract the permanent opposition, it must also know how to reach out to social segments that the CHP, due to its limitations, has been unable to reach. Furthermore, it must remain dynamic and cohesive internally, and thereby resilient to external interference.
However, the tasks required during this critical period Turkey is going through point to far more than what a single party can achieve. This brings us to a very important issue concerning the prevailing form of opposition. The political impasse cannot be explained solely by pressure imposed from above through state mechanisms. The way politics is perceived, structured and conducted in this country are also factors fuelling the problem we are facing. Yet politics must not be confined to a stifling and ultimately disheartening practice in which the public merely looks up and constantly watches those in power, becomes enthusiastic and motivated by the words of the political elite, or, conversely, vents their frustration by hurling abuse at the screen whilst claiming to be in opposition.
This state of passivity is also contrary to the very nature of citizenship. Politics must evolve into a transformative practice shaped by the people’s genuine demands and expectations, and guided by the representative power of the people themselves. The people’s role as the subject of politics should not be reduced to citizens merely rushing to a rally when called upon. What matters is weaving together a mobilisation movement—side by side—where citizens are active participants in politics day in, day out, taking their place in the struggle on their streets, in their neighbourhoods, at their schools and in their workplaces. The true ‘new’ lies within this horizon.
It is for this very reason that a significant effort is being made across the country. This Sunday at 3.00 pm, the ‘Side by Side’ forum will be held at the Istanbul Ses Theatre. The first forum, organised under the slogan ‘We are coming together side by side on the path to a united opposition’, took place last week in Ankara before an enthusiastic crowd. At the forum, which brought together Turkey’s progressives, leftists, patriots, revolutionaries and democrats, the speakers emphasised the importance of a united popular struggle. Tomorrow’s gathering will be another step in this quest. Now, more than ever, there is a need to stand side by side, to talk, to debate and, of course, to take action. The only force capable of tearing away the veil of this darkness is the united struggle of the people.
SALUTATIONS TO DENİZ GÖKTAŞ
Comedian Deniz Göktaş has been in prison for over 20 days after charges were fabricated against him based on his performance. He is being held at the Çorlu Karatepe High-Security Prison, known as a ‘well-type’ facility. These arrests are legal atrocities committed for political motives. We know full well that there was no suspicion of Göktaş escaping or tampering with evidence. This is because he returned to the country fully aware that an investigation had been opened against him, and he had even uploaded his performance—which contained the so-called ‘evidence’—to the internet so that no one would miss it. In other words, he was deemed a threat not because of any suspicion of absconding, but quite the opposite: because of the suspicion that he might remain in this country and continue to create humour. Our regards to Deniz Göktaş. We await the day when he takes to the stage once more to address us, remembering his jokes, with hope and faith.
Note: This article is translated from the original article titled Tıkanan siyaseti açmanın bir yolu var, published in BirGün newspaper on July 25, 2026.
To read the full story from the source: BirGün
